A litmus test for Hindu consciousness

The government has announced a nationwide census that, for the first time in decades, will include comprehensive caste enumeration. In this backdrop, I recall a senior journalist recently remarking that Hindu consciousness is at its peak in the last thousand years. If there is any truth to that claim, then the upcoming caste census will serve as a true litmus test for this collective Hindu awakening.

Every civilization has the right to protect, preserve, and project its collective consciousness. Over the last decade, there is no doubt that a renewed and intensified Hindu consciousness has taken root in Indian society. This rise is not incidental—it has been actively shaped by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, his colleagues in positions of power, and socio-cultural organizations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), ISKCON, and many others.

This newfound unity in Hindu society appears to have reached a critical mass. A large section of society now identifies with the idea of a consolidated Hindu identity—one that transcends narrow divides. This is significant, considering how colonial rulers and later political forces attempted to fragment Hindu society along the lines of caste, region, language, and the Aryan-Dravidian binary.

When the opposition, led by Rahul Gandhi, initially raised the demand for a caste census, it was seen by many as a continuation of this divisive legacy—especially since his party had historically avoided the issue. But the real surprise came when the Modi government itself announced a caste census. This decision startled both supporters and critics alike. Some within the pro-government camp even expressed disappointment.

In this context, one must ask: What is the strategic thinking behind Prime Minister Modi’s decision?

Several factors may be at play. First, a significant segment of the population today places their Hindu identity above their caste identity. If forced to choose between the two, many would align with the broader idea of Hindu unity. Nationalism and concerns around issues like Islamic terrorism may have reinforced this shift.

Second, the socio-economic changes between 1950 and 2014—particularly post-liberalization—have led to the emergence of an urban middle class where caste affiliations, while present, hold relatively less sway than in rural India. Priorities have shifted from identity to opportunity.

Third, during the Modi era (2014–present), it is claimed that over 25 crore people have risen above the poverty line, creating a neo-middle class. Social justice and welfare policies—ranging from Ujjwala to Jan Dhan to PM Awas Yojana—have benefited over 50 crore citizens, many of whom belong to historically marginalized communities. This policy-driven empowerment has, in turn, fostered a sense of inclusion that may blunt the divisiveness of caste politics.

Fourth, and crucially, Prime Minister Modi commands a unique support base—a class of loyal voters and followers who place trust in his judgment, regardless of occasional discomfort or dissent within the broader ideological camp.

In light of all this, the caste census may not significantly dent the Hindu social base the BJP has cultivated. Some friction is inevitable, but it’s likely that the overarching Hindu consciousness will remain intact.

At the same time, this move will force the opposition to recalibrate its strategy. It will likely press for expanded reservations to consolidate caste-based vote banks. The Modi government, in turn, could respond with decisive steps such as implementing the recommendations of the Rohini Commission, which seeks to rationalize sub-categorization within the OBC quota. Such a move could potentially unsettle established vote dynamics.

In Tamil Nadu, the caste census might challenge entrenched Dravidian narratives. In West Bengal, where caste identities have been largely subsumed under regional or linguistic identities, new social cleavages may emerge.

With robust caste-wise socio-economic data, the government will also be in a better position to fine-tune welfare policies and ensure targeted social justice measures.

Ultimately, the biggest question is this: Can Mandal (caste assertion) and Kamandal (cultural nationalism) co-exist? Will Hindu consciousness and caste consciousness clash—or is a synthesis possible? The answer will define not just the next election cycle, but the ideological trajectory of Indian politics in the coming decades.

The upcoming caste census may not only test the strength of Hindu unity—it may also shape the contours of India’s political and social future.

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